THE PRESIDENT:
Good evening. I have asked for this time to keep you informed of America's actions in the war on terror.
Nearly two years ago, following deadly attacks on our country, we began a systematic campaign against terrorism. These months have been a time of new responsibilities, and sacrifice, and national resolve and great progress.
America and a broad coalition acted first in Afghanistan, by destroying the training camps of terror, and removing the regime that harbored al Qaeda. In a series of raids and actions around the world, nearly two-thirds of al Qaeda's known leaders have been captured or killed, and we continue on al Qaeda's trail. We have exposed terrorist front groups, seized terrorist accounts, taken new measures to protect our homeland, and uncovered sleeper cells inside the United States. And we acted in Iraq, where the former regime sponsored terror, possessed and used weapons of mass destruction, and for 12 years defied the clear demands of the United Nations Security Council. Our coalition enforced these international demands in one of the swiftest and most humane military campaigns in history.
For a generation leading up to September the 11th, 2001, terrorists and their radical allies attacked innocent people in the Middle East and beyond, without facing a sustained and serious response. The terrorists became convinced that free nations were decadent and weak. And they grew bolder, believing that history was on their side. Since America put out the fires of September the 11th, and mourned our dead, and went to war, history has taken a different turn. We have carried the fight to the enemy. We are rolling back the terrorist threat to civilization, not on the fringes of its influence, but at the heart of its power.
This work continues. In Iraq, we are helping the long suffering people of that country to build a decent and democratic society at the center of the Middle East. Together we are transforming a place of torture chambers and mass graves into a nation of laws and free institutions. This undertaking is difficult and costly —— yet worthy of our country, and critical to our security.
The Middle East will either become a place of progress and peace, or it will be an exporter of violence and terror that takes more lives in America and in other free nations. The triumph of democracy and tolerance in Iraq, in Afghanistan and beyond would be a grave setback for international terrorism. The terrorists thrive on the support of tyrants and the resentments of oppressed peoples. When tyrants fall, and resentment gives way to hope, men and women in every culture reject the ideologies of terror, and turn to the pursuits of peace. Everywhere that freedom takes hold, terror will retreat.
Our enemies understand this. They know that a free Iraq will be free of them —— free of assassins, and torturers, and secret police. They know that as democracy rises in Iraq, all of their hateful ambitions will fall like the statues of the former dictator. And that is why, five months after we liberated Iraq, a collection of killers is desperately trying to undermine Iraq's progress and throw the country into chaos.
Some of the attackers are members of the old Saddam regime, who fled the battlefield and now fight in the shadows. Some of the attackers are foreign terrorists, who have come to Iraq to pursue their war on America and other free nations. We cannot be certain to what extent these groups work together. We do know they have a common goal —— reclaiming Iraq for tyranny.
Most, but not all, of these killers operate in one area of the country. The attacks you have heard and read about in the last few weeks have occurred predominantly in the central region of Iraq, between Baghdad and Tikrit —— Saddam Hussein's former stronghold. The north of Iraq is generally stable and is moving forward with reconstruction and self-government. The same trends are evident in the south, despite recent attacks by terrorist groups.
Though their attacks are localized, the terrorists and Saddam loyalists have done great harm. They have ambushed American and British service members —— who stand for freedom and order. They have killed civilian aid workers of the United Nations —— who represent the compassion and generosity of the world. They have bombed the Jordanian embassy —— the symbol of a peaceful Arab country. And last week they murdered a respected cleric and over a hundred Muslims at prayer —— bombing a holy shrine and a symbol of Islam's peaceful teachings.
This violence is directed not only against our coalition, but against anyone in Iraq who stands for decency, and freedom and progress.
There is more at work in these attacks than blind rage. The terrorists have a strategic goal. They want us to leave Iraq before our work is done. They want to shake the will of the civilized world. In the past, the terrorists have cited the examples of Beirut and Somalia, claiming that if you inflict harm on Americans, we will run from a challenge. In this, they are mistaken.
Two years ago, I told the Congress and the country that the war on terror would be a lengthy war, a different kind of war, fought on many fronts in many places. Iraq is now the central front. Enemies of freedom are making a desperate stand there —— and there they must be defeated. This will take time and require sacrifice. Yet we will do what is necessary, we will spend what is necessary, to achieve this essential victory in the war on terror, to promote freedom and to make our own nation more secure.
America has done this kind of work before. Following World War II, we lifted up the defeated nations of Japan and Germany, and stood with them as they built representative governments. We committed years and resources to this cause. And that effort has been repaid many times over in three generations of friendship and peace. America today accepts the challenge of helping Iraq in the same spirit —— for their sake, and our own.
Our strategy in Iraq has three objectives: destroying the terrorists, enlisting the support of other nations for a free Iraq and helping Iraqis assume responsibility for their own defense and their own future.
First, we are taking direct action against the terrorists in the Iraqi theater, which is the surest way to prevent future attacks on coalition forces and the Iraqi people. We are staying on the offensive, with a series of precise strikes against enemy targets increasingly guided by intelligence given to us by Iraqi citizens.
Since the end of major combat operations, we have conducted raids seizing many caches of enemy weapons and massive amounts of ammunition, and we have captured or killed hundreds of Saddam loyalists and terrorists. So far, of the 55 most wanted former Iraqi leaders, 42 are dead or in custody. We are sending a clear message: anyone who seeks to harm our soldiers can know that our soldiers are hunting for them.
Second, we are committed to expanding international cooperation in the reconstruction and security of Iraq, just as we are in Afghanistan. Our military commanders in Iraq advise me that the current number of American troops —— nearly 130,000 —— is appropriate to their mission. They are joined by over 20,000 service members from 29 other countries. Two multinational divisions, led by the British and the Poles, are serving alongside our forces —— and in order to share the burden more broadly, our commanders have requested a third multinational division to serve in Iraq.
Some countries have requested an explicit authorization of the United Nations Security Council before committing troops to Iraq. I have directed Secretary of State Colin Powell to introduce a new Security Council resolution, which would authorize the creation of a multinational force in Iraq, to be led by America.
I recognize that not all of our friends agreed with our decision to enforce the Security Council resolutions and remove Saddam Hussein from power. Yet we cannot let past differences interfere with present duties. Terrorists in Iraq have attacked representatives of the civilized world, and opposing them must be the cause of the civilized world. Members of the United Nations now have an opportunity —— and the responsibility —— to assume a broader role in assuring that Iraq becomes a free and democratic nation.
Third, we are encouraging the orderly transfer of sovereignty and authority to the Iraqi people. Our coalition came to Iraq as liberators and we will depart as liberators. Right now Iraq has its own Governing Council, comprised of 25 leaders representing Iraq's diverse people. The Governing Council recently appointed cabinet ministers to run government departments. Already more than 90 percent of towns and cities have functioning local governments, which are restoring basic services. We're helping to train civil defense forces to keep order, and an Iraqi police service to enforce the law, a facilities protection service, Iraqi border guards to help secure the borders, and a new Iraqi army. In all these roles, there are now some 60,000 Iraqi citizens under arms, defending the security of their own country, and we are accelerating the training of more.
Iraq is ready to take the next steps toward self-government. The Security Council resolution we introduce will encourage Iraq's Governing Council to submit a plan and a timetable for the drafting of a constitution and for free elections. From the outset, I have expressed confidence in the ability of the Iraqi people to govern themselves. Now they must rise to the responsibilities of a free people and secure the blessings of their own liberty.
Our strategy in Iraq will require new resources. We have conducted a thorough assessment of our military and reconstruction needs in Iraq, and also in Afghanistan. I will soon submit to Congress a request for $87 billion. The request will cover ongoing military and intelligence operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, which we expect will cost $66 billion over the next year. This budget request will also support our commitment to helping the Iraqi and Afghan people rebuild their own nations, after decades of oppression and mismanagement. We will provide funds to help them improve security. And we will help them to restore basic services, such as electricity and water, and to build new schools, roads, and medical clinics. This effort is essential to the stability of those nations, and therefore, to our own security. Now and in the future, we will support our troops and we will keep our word to the more than 50 million people of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Later this month, Secretary Powell will meet with representatives of many nations to discuss their financial contributions to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Next month, he will hold a similar funding conference for the reconstruction of Iraq. Europe, Japan and states in the Middle East all will benefit from the success of freedom in these two countries, and they should contribute to that success.
The people of Iraq are emerging from a long trial. For them, there will be no going back to the days of the dictator, to the miseries and humiliation he inflicted on that good country. For the Middle East and the world, there will be no going back to the days of fear, when a brutal and aggressive tyrant possessed terrible weapons. And for America, there will be no going back to the era before September the 11th, 2001 —— to false comfort in a dangerous world. We have learned that terrorist attacks are not caused by the use of strength; they are invited by the perception of weakness. And the surest way to avoid attacks on our own people is to engage the enemy where he lives and plans. We are fighting that enemy in Iraq and Afghanistan today so that we do not meet him again on our own streets, in our own cities.
The heaviest burdens in our war on terror fall, as always, on the men and women of our Armed Forces and our intelligence services. They have removed gathering threats to America and our friends, and this nation takes great pride in their incredible achievements. We are grateful for their skill and courage, and for their acts of decency, which have shown America's character to the world. We honor the sacrifice of their families. And we mourn every American who has died so bravely, so far from home.
The Americans who assume great risk overseas understand the great cause they are in. Not long ago I received a letter from a captain in the 3rd Infantry Division in Baghdad. He wrote about his pride in serving a just cause, and about the deep desire of Iraqis for liberty. "I see it," he said, "in the eyes of a hungry people every day here. They are starved for freedom and opportunity." And he concluded, "I just thought you'd like a note from the 'front lines of freedom.'" That Army captain, and all of our men and women serving in the war on terror, are on the front lines of freedom. And I want each of them to know, your country thanks you, and your country supports you.
Fellow citizens: We've been tested these past 24 months, and the dangers have not passed. Yet Americans are responding with courage and confidence. We accept the duties of our generation. We are active and resolute in our own defense. We are serving in freedom's cause —— and that is the cause of all mankind.
Thank you, and may God continue to bless America.
總統(tǒng)：
晚上好。我希望用這段時間向你們介紹美國在反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭中采取的行動。
近兩年以前，在我們國家遭到致命襲擊之后，我們就發(fā)起了有計劃打擊恐怖主義的行動。在過去的這些歲月里，我們肩負(fù)新的責(zé)任，積極做出奉獻(xiàn)，展現(xiàn)了全國上下的堅定意志并取得重大進(jìn)展。
美國及廣泛的聯(lián)盟首先在阿富汗采取了行動，摧毀了恐怖訓(xùn)練營地，*了庇護(hù)"基地" 組織的政權(quán)。通過在世界各地開展一系列突襲和各種行動，將近三分之二已知的"基地" 組織頭目不是已經(jīng)落網(wǎng)就是被擊斃，我們目前仍在繼續(xù)對"基地"組織窮追猛打。我們揭露了恐怖主義前沿組織，查封了恐怖主義帳戶，采取新的措施保衛(wèi)國土，挖出了潛伏在美國的恐怖主義基層組織。我們在伊拉克采取了行動。伊拉克的前政權(quán)支持恐怖，擁有并使用大規(guī)模毀滅性武器，并在長達(dá)12年的時間內(nèi)，對抗聯(lián)合國安理會的要求。我們的聯(lián)盟采取了軍事行動，強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行了國際社會的這些要求。這些軍事行動異常迅猛并富有人道精神，堪稱有史以來的一個典范。
在2001年9月11日之前整整一代人的時間里，恐怖主義分子及與其結(jié)盟的激進(jìn)分子在中東和其他地區(qū)到處襲擊無辜，沒有遇到持續(xù)、認(rèn)真的反擊。于是，恐怖主義分子以為自由國家已經(jīng)頹敗衰落、不堪一擊。他們愈益膽大妄為，自以為歷史時機(jī)對他們有利。美國在撲滅了9·11 的大火，悼念了死者之后走上了戰(zhàn)場。自那時以來，歷史發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)折。我們向敵人主動出擊。我們正在擊退恐怖主義對文明的威脅，不是僅觸及其皮毛，而是擊中其要害。
這項工作仍在繼續(xù)進(jìn)行。在伊拉克，我們正在幫助長期飽受苦難的伊拉克人民在中東腹地建立一個公正的民主社會。我們正共同努力，在原來布滿行刑室和集體墳場的土地上建立一個法治和自由的國家。這項任務(wù)十分艱巨，且代價高昂，但值得我國為之努力，對我國的安全也具有極為重大的意義。
中東不發(fā)展成一個進(jìn)步、和平的地區(qū)，就會成為一個暴力和恐怖的輸出地，將奪走美國和其他自由國家更多的生命。民主和寬容在伊拉克，在阿富汗，在其他地方獲得勝利，就會使國際恐怖主義遭受嚴(yán)重挫敗?？植乐髁x分子的滋生蔓延需要暴君的支持并以被壓迫人民產(chǎn)生的仇怨為土壤。在暴君垮臺，憤懣被希望取代之時，各種文化背景的男女老幼就都會唾棄恐怖主義，轉(zhuǎn)而奮力追求和平。自由在哪里扎根，哪里就沒有恐怖的立足之地。
我們的敵人明白這一點。他們知道一個自由的伊拉克將不容他們立足 ── 暗殺狂、行刑隊和秘密警察都將無以生存。他們知道隨著民主在伊拉克興起，他們所有充滿仇恨的企圖都將像前*者的塑像一樣歸于毀滅。這就是為什么在我們解放伊拉克五個月后，形形色色的殺人兇手窮兇極惡地妄圖破壞伊拉克的進(jìn)步，妄圖讓這個國家陷入混亂。
發(fā)動攻擊的人有些是前薩達(dá)姆政權(quán)的成員，他們在戰(zhàn)場上僥幸逃生，現(xiàn)在卻在暗處發(fā)動攻擊。另一些人則是外來的恐怖主義分子，他們到伊拉克繼續(xù)對美國和其他自由國家發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。我們無法確定這些組織相互勾結(jié)的程度。但我們知道他們有一個共同的企圖 ── 重新把伊拉克置于*之下。
這些殺人兇手的大多數(shù)，并非全部，在這個國家的同一個地區(qū)活動。你們在近幾周聽到和看到的有關(guān)攻擊事件的消息，絕大多數(shù)來自伊拉克中部地區(qū)，位于巴格達(dá)和薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的老巢提克里特(Tikrit)之間。伊拉克北部地區(qū)基本穩(wěn)定，其重建和自治工作正在取得進(jìn)展。南部地區(qū)盡管近遭受了恐怖主義組織的攻擊，但也出現(xiàn)同樣的趨勢。
恐怖主義分子和薩達(dá)姆的死黨所發(fā)動的攻擊盡管是地區(qū)性的，但造成了極大的破壞。他們伏擊了捍衛(wèi)自由和秩序的美國和英國軍人。他們殺害了體現(xiàn)全世界關(guān)懷和慷慨之情的聯(lián)合國文職救援人員。他們炸毀了一個和平的阿拉伯國家的象征 ── 約旦大使館。上星期，他們炸毀了一個宗教圣地和伊斯蘭教和平教義的標(biāo)志，殺害了一位德高望重的宗教領(lǐng)袖和100多名參加禮拜的穆斯林。
這種暴力行徑不僅指向我們的聯(lián)盟，而且指向在伊拉克捍衛(wèi)尊嚴(yán)、自由和進(jìn)步的每一個人。
這些攻擊行徑超出了盲目發(fā)泄仇恨的范圍。這些恐怖主義分子處心積慮，野心勃勃。他們企圖讓我們半途而廢，離開伊拉克。他們妄圖動搖文明世界的意志?？植乐髁x分子曾以貝魯特和索馬里為例，聲稱只要讓美國人蒙受傷亡，我們就會退縮不前。但他們的算盤打錯了。
兩年前，我就對國會和全國人民說過，反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭將是一場長期的戰(zhàn)爭，是一場不同類型的戰(zhàn)爭。這場戰(zhàn)爭將在很多地方打響，在多條戰(zhàn)線上進(jìn)行。目前，伊拉克便是主戰(zhàn)場。與自由為敵的人正在那里垂死掙扎，他們必須被就地殲滅。這需要花費時間，需要為之做出犧牲。然而，為了取得反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭的這一極其重要的勝利，為了促進(jìn)自由，為了加強(qiáng)我國的安全，我們將采取一切必要的行動，我們將付出一切必要的代價。
美國過去曾這樣做過。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以后，我們振興了戰(zhàn)敗國日本和德國，并在這兩個國家建立有代表性政府的過程中同它們站在一起。我們花費了多年的時間和資源致力于這一事業(yè)。這一努力得到了數(shù)倍的回報，贏得了三代人的友誼與和平。美國今天以同樣的精神承擔(dān)幫助伊拉克人民的重任，為了他們，也為了我們自己。
我們在伊拉克有三大戰(zhàn)略目標(biāo)：消滅恐怖主義分子；爭取其他國家對自由伊拉克的支持；并幫助伊拉克人民為他們自己的安全和他們自己的未來承擔(dān)責(zé)任。
首先，我們正在伊拉克戰(zhàn)場上采取直接行動打擊恐怖主義分子。這是防止聯(lián)盟軍隊和伊拉克人民今后再次遭到襲擊的可靠的途徑。我們正在采取攻勢，越來越多地根據(jù)伊拉克人民向我們提供的情報，對敵方目標(biāo)展開一系列的精確打擊。自主要戰(zhàn)斗行動結(jié)束以來，我們發(fā)動突襲行動，發(fā)現(xiàn)了敵人很多隱秘的武器庫，繳獲了大量軍火，我們還捕獲或擊斃了數(shù)百名薩達(dá)姆死黨分子和恐怖主義分子。迄今為止，在被通緝的55名伊拉克前政權(quán)頭目中，已有42人或被擊斃或已在押。我們發(fā)出了明確的警告：如果有人企圖傷害我們的士兵，我們的士兵絕不會放過他們。
其次，如同我們在阿富汗所做的，我們決心為伊拉克重建和安全擴(kuò)大國際合作。我們在伊拉克的軍事指揮員告訴我，目前美軍人數(shù)為將近13萬人，可適應(yīng)完成其使命的要求。另外還有來自29個國家的2萬多人的軍隊同他們共同執(zhí)行任務(wù)。分別由英國人和波蘭人率領(lǐng)的兩個多國部隊師也與我們協(xié)同作戰(zhàn)。為了在更廣泛的范圍內(nèi)分擔(dān)責(zé)任，我們的指揮員要求第三個多國部隊師進(jìn)駐伊拉克。
有些國家要求獲得聯(lián)合國安理會的明確授權(quán)才能向伊拉克派出軍隊。我已指示國務(wù)卿科林·鮑威爾提出一項新的安理會決議案，要求授權(quán)在伊拉克組建一支由美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的多國部隊。
我承認(rèn)，在我們的友邦中間，并非個個都同意我們堅持執(zhí)行安理會各項決議和把薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因趕下臺的決定。但是，我們不能讓過去的分歧影響我們目前的職責(zé)。在伊拉克的恐怖主義分子已經(jīng)向文明世界的代表發(fā)動了攻擊，因此奮起抗擊這些恐怖主義分子必須成為文明世界的使命?，F(xiàn)在聯(lián)合國各會員國得到了這樣的機(jī)會，肩負(fù)著這樣的責(zé)任，為保證伊拉克成為一個自由和民主的國家發(fā)揮更廣泛的作用。
第三，我們積極支持有步驟地向伊拉克人民移交主權(quán)和權(quán)力。我們的聯(lián)盟作為解放者來到伊拉克，我們也將作為解放者離開那里。當(dāng)前，伊拉克有自己的管理委員會，由代表伊拉克各族人民的25名領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人組成。管理委員會近任命了管理政府各部的內(nèi)閣部長。90%以上的城鎮(zhèn)已建立運轉(zhuǎn)有效的地方政府，正努力恢復(fù)基本服務(wù)。我們正在進(jìn)行的培訓(xùn)工作有助于民防力量維持秩序，支持伊拉克警察進(jìn)行執(zhí)法，幫助建立保護(hù)有關(guān)設(shè)施的機(jī)構(gòu)，加強(qiáng)伊拉克邊防力量以保障邊境安全，并為一支新組建的伊拉克軍隊進(jìn)行訓(xùn)練?，F(xiàn)在有大約6萬名伊拉克公民已被編入以上所有這些武裝力量，保衛(wèi)他們自己國家的安全。此外，我們還在加緊培訓(xùn)更多的人員。
伊拉克正準(zhǔn)備采取下一個步驟向自治政府過渡。我們提出的安理會決議將促使伊拉克管理委員會就起草憲法和進(jìn)行自由選舉提出計劃和時間安排。我從一開始就表示相信伊拉克人民有自治的能力?，F(xiàn)在，他們必須承擔(dān)起自由人民的責(zé)任，掌握他們自身的解放所帶來的有利條件。
我們在伊拉克采取戰(zhàn)略行動需要新的資源。我們對我們在伊拉克和阿富汗的軍事和重建工作進(jìn)行了全面的需求評估。我很快將向國會提出870億美元的撥款要求。這筆撥款將用于正在伊拉克、阿富汗和其他地區(qū)展開的軍事和情報工作，我們估計今后一年需要660億美元。這項預(yù)算要求將有助于我們致力于幫助伊拉克和阿富汗人民在遭受壓迫和虐待幾十年后重建他們各自的國家。我們將提供資金幫助他們加強(qiáng)安全。我們將幫助他們恢復(fù)基礎(chǔ)服務(wù)，如水電供應(yīng)，以及新建學(xué)校、道路和診所。這方面的工作對這些國家的穩(wěn)定至關(guān)重要，因而也對我們本國的安全至關(guān)重要。不論現(xiàn)在還是將來，我們都將支持我們的軍隊，并信守我們對阿富汗和伊拉克5,000多萬人民的。
這個月晚些時候，鮑威爾國務(wù)卿將同許多國家的代表會晤，商討他們?yōu)榘⒏缓怪亟ㄌ峁┴斦柚膯栴}。下個月，他還將主持一個類似的會議，為伊拉克重建籌集資金。這兩個國家成功地實現(xiàn)自由，歐洲、日本和中東各國都將從中受益，他們都應(yīng)為這一成功提供捐助。
伊拉克人民正從漫長的苦難中崛起。對于他們，受*者統(tǒng)治的日子不會再現(xiàn)，這個美好的國家飽受*者蹂躪和欺凌的悲劇不會重演。對于中東和全世界，由這個殘暴和侵略成性的暴君掌握恐怖武器進(jìn)行恫嚇的時代已一去不復(fù)返。美國也不會重蹈復(fù)轍，回到2001年9月11日之前的時代，不會在一個充滿危險的世界上自以為安然無恙。我們已經(jīng)知道，恐怖主義制造攻擊事件，并非因為看到人們展示了力量，而是認(rèn)為有了可乘之機(jī)。為了保護(hù)我們自己的人民免遭襲擊，可靠的途徑就是在敵人生存和策劃之地給他們以迎頭痛擊。今天我們在伊拉克和阿富汗打擊敵人，就可以使我們避免在我們自己的城市、我們自己的街頭遇到同樣的敵人。
在我們進(jìn)行反恐怖主義戰(zhàn)爭的過程中，我國武裝部隊的男女軍人和我們的情報部門一如既往承擔(dān)著艱巨的任務(wù)。他們?yōu)槊绹臀覀兊挠寻钆懦苏诜e聚的危險，美國為他們做出的卓越貢獻(xiàn)感到無尚光榮。我們欽佩他們的才干和勇氣，贊美他們的正義行為。他們的所作所為向全世界昭示了美國的高尚品德。我們向他們家人做出的奉獻(xiàn)表示敬意。我們緬懷每一位遠(yuǎn)離故土英勇獻(xiàn)身的美國人。
在海外把個人安危置之度外的美國人知道他們承擔(dān)著一項偉大的事業(yè)。不久前，我收到駐巴格達(dá)第三步兵師一名上尉的來信。信中寫道，他為參與這項正義事業(yè)感到自豪，他還談到伊拉克人希望得到自由的強(qiáng)烈愿望。他說："每天在這里，從人們饑餓的眼神中，我看到了這一切。他們渴望自由和機(jī)會。" 他在信的結(jié)尾寫道："我想你希望收到來自'自由前沿'的信函。" 這位陸軍上尉，以及我們所有為反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭盡職的男女軍人，都站在自由的前沿。我在此希望他們每一位知道：祖國感謝你，祖國支持你。
同胞們：我們經(jīng)受了過去24個月的考驗，但危險尚未消除。美國人正以大無畏的氣概和堅定的意志奮勇反擊。我們承擔(dān)我們這代人的職責(zé)。我們積極果斷地進(jìn)行自衛(wèi)。我們正為自由的事業(yè)恪盡職守。自由的事業(yè)是全人類的事業(yè)。
謝謝諸位。愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美國。
Good evening. I have asked for this time to keep you informed of America's actions in the war on terror.
Nearly two years ago, following deadly attacks on our country, we began a systematic campaign against terrorism. These months have been a time of new responsibilities, and sacrifice, and national resolve and great progress.
America and a broad coalition acted first in Afghanistan, by destroying the training camps of terror, and removing the regime that harbored al Qaeda. In a series of raids and actions around the world, nearly two-thirds of al Qaeda's known leaders have been captured or killed, and we continue on al Qaeda's trail. We have exposed terrorist front groups, seized terrorist accounts, taken new measures to protect our homeland, and uncovered sleeper cells inside the United States. And we acted in Iraq, where the former regime sponsored terror, possessed and used weapons of mass destruction, and for 12 years defied the clear demands of the United Nations Security Council. Our coalition enforced these international demands in one of the swiftest and most humane military campaigns in history.
For a generation leading up to September the 11th, 2001, terrorists and their radical allies attacked innocent people in the Middle East and beyond, without facing a sustained and serious response. The terrorists became convinced that free nations were decadent and weak. And they grew bolder, believing that history was on their side. Since America put out the fires of September the 11th, and mourned our dead, and went to war, history has taken a different turn. We have carried the fight to the enemy. We are rolling back the terrorist threat to civilization, not on the fringes of its influence, but at the heart of its power.
This work continues. In Iraq, we are helping the long suffering people of that country to build a decent and democratic society at the center of the Middle East. Together we are transforming a place of torture chambers and mass graves into a nation of laws and free institutions. This undertaking is difficult and costly —— yet worthy of our country, and critical to our security.
The Middle East will either become a place of progress and peace, or it will be an exporter of violence and terror that takes more lives in America and in other free nations. The triumph of democracy and tolerance in Iraq, in Afghanistan and beyond would be a grave setback for international terrorism. The terrorists thrive on the support of tyrants and the resentments of oppressed peoples. When tyrants fall, and resentment gives way to hope, men and women in every culture reject the ideologies of terror, and turn to the pursuits of peace. Everywhere that freedom takes hold, terror will retreat.
Our enemies understand this. They know that a free Iraq will be free of them —— free of assassins, and torturers, and secret police. They know that as democracy rises in Iraq, all of their hateful ambitions will fall like the statues of the former dictator. And that is why, five months after we liberated Iraq, a collection of killers is desperately trying to undermine Iraq's progress and throw the country into chaos.
Some of the attackers are members of the old Saddam regime, who fled the battlefield and now fight in the shadows. Some of the attackers are foreign terrorists, who have come to Iraq to pursue their war on America and other free nations. We cannot be certain to what extent these groups work together. We do know they have a common goal —— reclaiming Iraq for tyranny.
Most, but not all, of these killers operate in one area of the country. The attacks you have heard and read about in the last few weeks have occurred predominantly in the central region of Iraq, between Baghdad and Tikrit —— Saddam Hussein's former stronghold. The north of Iraq is generally stable and is moving forward with reconstruction and self-government. The same trends are evident in the south, despite recent attacks by terrorist groups.
Though their attacks are localized, the terrorists and Saddam loyalists have done great harm. They have ambushed American and British service members —— who stand for freedom and order. They have killed civilian aid workers of the United Nations —— who represent the compassion and generosity of the world. They have bombed the Jordanian embassy —— the symbol of a peaceful Arab country. And last week they murdered a respected cleric and over a hundred Muslims at prayer —— bombing a holy shrine and a symbol of Islam's peaceful teachings.
This violence is directed not only against our coalition, but against anyone in Iraq who stands for decency, and freedom and progress.
There is more at work in these attacks than blind rage. The terrorists have a strategic goal. They want us to leave Iraq before our work is done. They want to shake the will of the civilized world. In the past, the terrorists have cited the examples of Beirut and Somalia, claiming that if you inflict harm on Americans, we will run from a challenge. In this, they are mistaken.
Two years ago, I told the Congress and the country that the war on terror would be a lengthy war, a different kind of war, fought on many fronts in many places. Iraq is now the central front. Enemies of freedom are making a desperate stand there —— and there they must be defeated. This will take time and require sacrifice. Yet we will do what is necessary, we will spend what is necessary, to achieve this essential victory in the war on terror, to promote freedom and to make our own nation more secure.
America has done this kind of work before. Following World War II, we lifted up the defeated nations of Japan and Germany, and stood with them as they built representative governments. We committed years and resources to this cause. And that effort has been repaid many times over in three generations of friendship and peace. America today accepts the challenge of helping Iraq in the same spirit —— for their sake, and our own.
Our strategy in Iraq has three objectives: destroying the terrorists, enlisting the support of other nations for a free Iraq and helping Iraqis assume responsibility for their own defense and their own future.
First, we are taking direct action against the terrorists in the Iraqi theater, which is the surest way to prevent future attacks on coalition forces and the Iraqi people. We are staying on the offensive, with a series of precise strikes against enemy targets increasingly guided by intelligence given to us by Iraqi citizens.
Since the end of major combat operations, we have conducted raids seizing many caches of enemy weapons and massive amounts of ammunition, and we have captured or killed hundreds of Saddam loyalists and terrorists. So far, of the 55 most wanted former Iraqi leaders, 42 are dead or in custody. We are sending a clear message: anyone who seeks to harm our soldiers can know that our soldiers are hunting for them.
Second, we are committed to expanding international cooperation in the reconstruction and security of Iraq, just as we are in Afghanistan. Our military commanders in Iraq advise me that the current number of American troops —— nearly 130,000 —— is appropriate to their mission. They are joined by over 20,000 service members from 29 other countries. Two multinational divisions, led by the British and the Poles, are serving alongside our forces —— and in order to share the burden more broadly, our commanders have requested a third multinational division to serve in Iraq.
Some countries have requested an explicit authorization of the United Nations Security Council before committing troops to Iraq. I have directed Secretary of State Colin Powell to introduce a new Security Council resolution, which would authorize the creation of a multinational force in Iraq, to be led by America.
I recognize that not all of our friends agreed with our decision to enforce the Security Council resolutions and remove Saddam Hussein from power. Yet we cannot let past differences interfere with present duties. Terrorists in Iraq have attacked representatives of the civilized world, and opposing them must be the cause of the civilized world. Members of the United Nations now have an opportunity —— and the responsibility —— to assume a broader role in assuring that Iraq becomes a free and democratic nation.
Third, we are encouraging the orderly transfer of sovereignty and authority to the Iraqi people. Our coalition came to Iraq as liberators and we will depart as liberators. Right now Iraq has its own Governing Council, comprised of 25 leaders representing Iraq's diverse people. The Governing Council recently appointed cabinet ministers to run government departments. Already more than 90 percent of towns and cities have functioning local governments, which are restoring basic services. We're helping to train civil defense forces to keep order, and an Iraqi police service to enforce the law, a facilities protection service, Iraqi border guards to help secure the borders, and a new Iraqi army. In all these roles, there are now some 60,000 Iraqi citizens under arms, defending the security of their own country, and we are accelerating the training of more.
Iraq is ready to take the next steps toward self-government. The Security Council resolution we introduce will encourage Iraq's Governing Council to submit a plan and a timetable for the drafting of a constitution and for free elections. From the outset, I have expressed confidence in the ability of the Iraqi people to govern themselves. Now they must rise to the responsibilities of a free people and secure the blessings of their own liberty.
Our strategy in Iraq will require new resources. We have conducted a thorough assessment of our military and reconstruction needs in Iraq, and also in Afghanistan. I will soon submit to Congress a request for $87 billion. The request will cover ongoing military and intelligence operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, which we expect will cost $66 billion over the next year. This budget request will also support our commitment to helping the Iraqi and Afghan people rebuild their own nations, after decades of oppression and mismanagement. We will provide funds to help them improve security. And we will help them to restore basic services, such as electricity and water, and to build new schools, roads, and medical clinics. This effort is essential to the stability of those nations, and therefore, to our own security. Now and in the future, we will support our troops and we will keep our word to the more than 50 million people of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Later this month, Secretary Powell will meet with representatives of many nations to discuss their financial contributions to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Next month, he will hold a similar funding conference for the reconstruction of Iraq. Europe, Japan and states in the Middle East all will benefit from the success of freedom in these two countries, and they should contribute to that success.
The people of Iraq are emerging from a long trial. For them, there will be no going back to the days of the dictator, to the miseries and humiliation he inflicted on that good country. For the Middle East and the world, there will be no going back to the days of fear, when a brutal and aggressive tyrant possessed terrible weapons. And for America, there will be no going back to the era before September the 11th, 2001 —— to false comfort in a dangerous world. We have learned that terrorist attacks are not caused by the use of strength; they are invited by the perception of weakness. And the surest way to avoid attacks on our own people is to engage the enemy where he lives and plans. We are fighting that enemy in Iraq and Afghanistan today so that we do not meet him again on our own streets, in our own cities.
The heaviest burdens in our war on terror fall, as always, on the men and women of our Armed Forces and our intelligence services. They have removed gathering threats to America and our friends, and this nation takes great pride in their incredible achievements. We are grateful for their skill and courage, and for their acts of decency, which have shown America's character to the world. We honor the sacrifice of their families. And we mourn every American who has died so bravely, so far from home.
The Americans who assume great risk overseas understand the great cause they are in. Not long ago I received a letter from a captain in the 3rd Infantry Division in Baghdad. He wrote about his pride in serving a just cause, and about the deep desire of Iraqis for liberty. "I see it," he said, "in the eyes of a hungry people every day here. They are starved for freedom and opportunity." And he concluded, "I just thought you'd like a note from the 'front lines of freedom.'" That Army captain, and all of our men and women serving in the war on terror, are on the front lines of freedom. And I want each of them to know, your country thanks you, and your country supports you.
Fellow citizens: We've been tested these past 24 months, and the dangers have not passed. Yet Americans are responding with courage and confidence. We accept the duties of our generation. We are active and resolute in our own defense. We are serving in freedom's cause —— and that is the cause of all mankind.
Thank you, and may God continue to bless America.
總統(tǒng)：
晚上好。我希望用這段時間向你們介紹美國在反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭中采取的行動。
近兩年以前，在我們國家遭到致命襲擊之后，我們就發(fā)起了有計劃打擊恐怖主義的行動。在過去的這些歲月里，我們肩負(fù)新的責(zé)任，積極做出奉獻(xiàn)，展現(xiàn)了全國上下的堅定意志并取得重大進(jìn)展。
美國及廣泛的聯(lián)盟首先在阿富汗采取了行動，摧毀了恐怖訓(xùn)練營地，*了庇護(hù)"基地" 組織的政權(quán)。通過在世界各地開展一系列突襲和各種行動，將近三分之二已知的"基地" 組織頭目不是已經(jīng)落網(wǎng)就是被擊斃，我們目前仍在繼續(xù)對"基地"組織窮追猛打。我們揭露了恐怖主義前沿組織，查封了恐怖主義帳戶，采取新的措施保衛(wèi)國土，挖出了潛伏在美國的恐怖主義基層組織。我們在伊拉克采取了行動。伊拉克的前政權(quán)支持恐怖，擁有并使用大規(guī)模毀滅性武器，并在長達(dá)12年的時間內(nèi)，對抗聯(lián)合國安理會的要求。我們的聯(lián)盟采取了軍事行動，強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行了國際社會的這些要求。這些軍事行動異常迅猛并富有人道精神，堪稱有史以來的一個典范。
在2001年9月11日之前整整一代人的時間里，恐怖主義分子及與其結(jié)盟的激進(jìn)分子在中東和其他地區(qū)到處襲擊無辜，沒有遇到持續(xù)、認(rèn)真的反擊。于是，恐怖主義分子以為自由國家已經(jīng)頹敗衰落、不堪一擊。他們愈益膽大妄為，自以為歷史時機(jī)對他們有利。美國在撲滅了9·11 的大火，悼念了死者之后走上了戰(zhàn)場。自那時以來，歷史發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)折。我們向敵人主動出擊。我們正在擊退恐怖主義對文明的威脅，不是僅觸及其皮毛，而是擊中其要害。
這項工作仍在繼續(xù)進(jìn)行。在伊拉克，我們正在幫助長期飽受苦難的伊拉克人民在中東腹地建立一個公正的民主社會。我們正共同努力，在原來布滿行刑室和集體墳場的土地上建立一個法治和自由的國家。這項任務(wù)十分艱巨，且代價高昂，但值得我國為之努力，對我國的安全也具有極為重大的意義。
中東不發(fā)展成一個進(jìn)步、和平的地區(qū)，就會成為一個暴力和恐怖的輸出地，將奪走美國和其他自由國家更多的生命。民主和寬容在伊拉克，在阿富汗，在其他地方獲得勝利，就會使國際恐怖主義遭受嚴(yán)重挫敗?？植乐髁x分子的滋生蔓延需要暴君的支持并以被壓迫人民產(chǎn)生的仇怨為土壤。在暴君垮臺，憤懣被希望取代之時，各種文化背景的男女老幼就都會唾棄恐怖主義，轉(zhuǎn)而奮力追求和平。自由在哪里扎根，哪里就沒有恐怖的立足之地。
我們的敵人明白這一點。他們知道一個自由的伊拉克將不容他們立足 ── 暗殺狂、行刑隊和秘密警察都將無以生存。他們知道隨著民主在伊拉克興起，他們所有充滿仇恨的企圖都將像前*者的塑像一樣歸于毀滅。這就是為什么在我們解放伊拉克五個月后，形形色色的殺人兇手窮兇極惡地妄圖破壞伊拉克的進(jìn)步，妄圖讓這個國家陷入混亂。
發(fā)動攻擊的人有些是前薩達(dá)姆政權(quán)的成員，他們在戰(zhàn)場上僥幸逃生，現(xiàn)在卻在暗處發(fā)動攻擊。另一些人則是外來的恐怖主義分子，他們到伊拉克繼續(xù)對美國和其他自由國家發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。我們無法確定這些組織相互勾結(jié)的程度。但我們知道他們有一個共同的企圖 ── 重新把伊拉克置于*之下。
這些殺人兇手的大多數(shù)，并非全部，在這個國家的同一個地區(qū)活動。你們在近幾周聽到和看到的有關(guān)攻擊事件的消息，絕大多數(shù)來自伊拉克中部地區(qū)，位于巴格達(dá)和薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的老巢提克里特(Tikrit)之間。伊拉克北部地區(qū)基本穩(wěn)定，其重建和自治工作正在取得進(jìn)展。南部地區(qū)盡管近遭受了恐怖主義組織的攻擊，但也出現(xiàn)同樣的趨勢。
恐怖主義分子和薩達(dá)姆的死黨所發(fā)動的攻擊盡管是地區(qū)性的，但造成了極大的破壞。他們伏擊了捍衛(wèi)自由和秩序的美國和英國軍人。他們殺害了體現(xiàn)全世界關(guān)懷和慷慨之情的聯(lián)合國文職救援人員。他們炸毀了一個和平的阿拉伯國家的象征 ── 約旦大使館。上星期，他們炸毀了一個宗教圣地和伊斯蘭教和平教義的標(biāo)志，殺害了一位德高望重的宗教領(lǐng)袖和100多名參加禮拜的穆斯林。
這種暴力行徑不僅指向我們的聯(lián)盟，而且指向在伊拉克捍衛(wèi)尊嚴(yán)、自由和進(jìn)步的每一個人。
這些攻擊行徑超出了盲目發(fā)泄仇恨的范圍。這些恐怖主義分子處心積慮，野心勃勃。他們企圖讓我們半途而廢，離開伊拉克。他們妄圖動搖文明世界的意志?？植乐髁x分子曾以貝魯特和索馬里為例，聲稱只要讓美國人蒙受傷亡，我們就會退縮不前。但他們的算盤打錯了。
兩年前，我就對國會和全國人民說過，反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭將是一場長期的戰(zhàn)爭，是一場不同類型的戰(zhàn)爭。這場戰(zhàn)爭將在很多地方打響，在多條戰(zhàn)線上進(jìn)行。目前，伊拉克便是主戰(zhàn)場。與自由為敵的人正在那里垂死掙扎，他們必須被就地殲滅。這需要花費時間，需要為之做出犧牲。然而，為了取得反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭的這一極其重要的勝利，為了促進(jìn)自由，為了加強(qiáng)我國的安全，我們將采取一切必要的行動，我們將付出一切必要的代價。
美國過去曾這樣做過。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以后，我們振興了戰(zhàn)敗國日本和德國，并在這兩個國家建立有代表性政府的過程中同它們站在一起。我們花費了多年的時間和資源致力于這一事業(yè)。這一努力得到了數(shù)倍的回報，贏得了三代人的友誼與和平。美國今天以同樣的精神承擔(dān)幫助伊拉克人民的重任，為了他們，也為了我們自己。
我們在伊拉克有三大戰(zhàn)略目標(biāo)：消滅恐怖主義分子；爭取其他國家對自由伊拉克的支持；并幫助伊拉克人民為他們自己的安全和他們自己的未來承擔(dān)責(zé)任。
首先，我們正在伊拉克戰(zhàn)場上采取直接行動打擊恐怖主義分子。這是防止聯(lián)盟軍隊和伊拉克人民今后再次遭到襲擊的可靠的途徑。我們正在采取攻勢，越來越多地根據(jù)伊拉克人民向我們提供的情報，對敵方目標(biāo)展開一系列的精確打擊。自主要戰(zhàn)斗行動結(jié)束以來，我們發(fā)動突襲行動，發(fā)現(xiàn)了敵人很多隱秘的武器庫，繳獲了大量軍火，我們還捕獲或擊斃了數(shù)百名薩達(dá)姆死黨分子和恐怖主義分子。迄今為止，在被通緝的55名伊拉克前政權(quán)頭目中，已有42人或被擊斃或已在押。我們發(fā)出了明確的警告：如果有人企圖傷害我們的士兵，我們的士兵絕不會放過他們。
其次，如同我們在阿富汗所做的，我們決心為伊拉克重建和安全擴(kuò)大國際合作。我們在伊拉克的軍事指揮員告訴我，目前美軍人數(shù)為將近13萬人，可適應(yīng)完成其使命的要求。另外還有來自29個國家的2萬多人的軍隊同他們共同執(zhí)行任務(wù)。分別由英國人和波蘭人率領(lǐng)的兩個多國部隊師也與我們協(xié)同作戰(zhàn)。為了在更廣泛的范圍內(nèi)分擔(dān)責(zé)任，我們的指揮員要求第三個多國部隊師進(jìn)駐伊拉克。
有些國家要求獲得聯(lián)合國安理會的明確授權(quán)才能向伊拉克派出軍隊。我已指示國務(wù)卿科林·鮑威爾提出一項新的安理會決議案，要求授權(quán)在伊拉克組建一支由美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的多國部隊。
我承認(rèn)，在我們的友邦中間，并非個個都同意我們堅持執(zhí)行安理會各項決議和把薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因趕下臺的決定。但是，我們不能讓過去的分歧影響我們目前的職責(zé)。在伊拉克的恐怖主義分子已經(jīng)向文明世界的代表發(fā)動了攻擊，因此奮起抗擊這些恐怖主義分子必須成為文明世界的使命?，F(xiàn)在聯(lián)合國各會員國得到了這樣的機(jī)會，肩負(fù)著這樣的責(zé)任，為保證伊拉克成為一個自由和民主的國家發(fā)揮更廣泛的作用。
第三，我們積極支持有步驟地向伊拉克人民移交主權(quán)和權(quán)力。我們的聯(lián)盟作為解放者來到伊拉克，我們也將作為解放者離開那里。當(dāng)前，伊拉克有自己的管理委員會，由代表伊拉克各族人民的25名領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人組成。管理委員會近任命了管理政府各部的內(nèi)閣部長。90%以上的城鎮(zhèn)已建立運轉(zhuǎn)有效的地方政府，正努力恢復(fù)基本服務(wù)。我們正在進(jìn)行的培訓(xùn)工作有助于民防力量維持秩序，支持伊拉克警察進(jìn)行執(zhí)法，幫助建立保護(hù)有關(guān)設(shè)施的機(jī)構(gòu)，加強(qiáng)伊拉克邊防力量以保障邊境安全，并為一支新組建的伊拉克軍隊進(jìn)行訓(xùn)練?，F(xiàn)在有大約6萬名伊拉克公民已被編入以上所有這些武裝力量，保衛(wèi)他們自己國家的安全。此外，我們還在加緊培訓(xùn)更多的人員。
伊拉克正準(zhǔn)備采取下一個步驟向自治政府過渡。我們提出的安理會決議將促使伊拉克管理委員會就起草憲法和進(jìn)行自由選舉提出計劃和時間安排。我從一開始就表示相信伊拉克人民有自治的能力?，F(xiàn)在，他們必須承擔(dān)起自由人民的責(zé)任，掌握他們自身的解放所帶來的有利條件。
我們在伊拉克采取戰(zhàn)略行動需要新的資源。我們對我們在伊拉克和阿富汗的軍事和重建工作進(jìn)行了全面的需求評估。我很快將向國會提出870億美元的撥款要求。這筆撥款將用于正在伊拉克、阿富汗和其他地區(qū)展開的軍事和情報工作，我們估計今后一年需要660億美元。這項預(yù)算要求將有助于我們致力于幫助伊拉克和阿富汗人民在遭受壓迫和虐待幾十年后重建他們各自的國家。我們將提供資金幫助他們加強(qiáng)安全。我們將幫助他們恢復(fù)基礎(chǔ)服務(wù)，如水電供應(yīng)，以及新建學(xué)校、道路和診所。這方面的工作對這些國家的穩(wěn)定至關(guān)重要，因而也對我們本國的安全至關(guān)重要。不論現(xiàn)在還是將來，我們都將支持我們的軍隊，并信守我們對阿富汗和伊拉克5,000多萬人民的。
這個月晚些時候，鮑威爾國務(wù)卿將同許多國家的代表會晤，商討他們?yōu)榘⒏缓怪亟ㄌ峁┴斦柚膯栴}。下個月，他還將主持一個類似的會議，為伊拉克重建籌集資金。這兩個國家成功地實現(xiàn)自由，歐洲、日本和中東各國都將從中受益，他們都應(yīng)為這一成功提供捐助。
伊拉克人民正從漫長的苦難中崛起。對于他們，受*者統(tǒng)治的日子不會再現(xiàn)，這個美好的國家飽受*者蹂躪和欺凌的悲劇不會重演。對于中東和全世界，由這個殘暴和侵略成性的暴君掌握恐怖武器進(jìn)行恫嚇的時代已一去不復(fù)返。美國也不會重蹈復(fù)轍，回到2001年9月11日之前的時代，不會在一個充滿危險的世界上自以為安然無恙。我們已經(jīng)知道，恐怖主義制造攻擊事件，并非因為看到人們展示了力量，而是認(rèn)為有了可乘之機(jī)。為了保護(hù)我們自己的人民免遭襲擊，可靠的途徑就是在敵人生存和策劃之地給他們以迎頭痛擊。今天我們在伊拉克和阿富汗打擊敵人，就可以使我們避免在我們自己的城市、我們自己的街頭遇到同樣的敵人。
在我們進(jìn)行反恐怖主義戰(zhàn)爭的過程中，我國武裝部隊的男女軍人和我們的情報部門一如既往承擔(dān)著艱巨的任務(wù)。他們?yōu)槊绹臀覀兊挠寻钆懦苏诜e聚的危險，美國為他們做出的卓越貢獻(xiàn)感到無尚光榮。我們欽佩他們的才干和勇氣，贊美他們的正義行為。他們的所作所為向全世界昭示了美國的高尚品德。我們向他們家人做出的奉獻(xiàn)表示敬意。我們緬懷每一位遠(yuǎn)離故土英勇獻(xiàn)身的美國人。
在海外把個人安危置之度外的美國人知道他們承擔(dān)著一項偉大的事業(yè)。不久前，我收到駐巴格達(dá)第三步兵師一名上尉的來信。信中寫道，他為參與這項正義事業(yè)感到自豪，他還談到伊拉克人希望得到自由的強(qiáng)烈愿望。他說："每天在這里，從人們饑餓的眼神中，我看到了這一切。他們渴望自由和機(jī)會。" 他在信的結(jié)尾寫道："我想你希望收到來自'自由前沿'的信函。" 這位陸軍上尉，以及我們所有為反恐怖戰(zhàn)爭盡職的男女軍人，都站在自由的前沿。我在此希望他們每一位知道：祖國感謝你，祖國支持你。
同胞們：我們經(jīng)受了過去24個月的考驗，但危險尚未消除。美國人正以大無畏的氣概和堅定的意志奮勇反擊。我們承擔(dān)我們這代人的職責(zé)。我們積極果斷地進(jìn)行自衛(wèi)。我們正為自由的事業(yè)恪盡職守。自由的事業(yè)是全人類的事業(yè)。
謝謝諸位。愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美國。